|
Bias isn’t
the biggest danger of the new media age - 11/10/2008
What
would an Obama win do for race relations? Who knows - 10/27/2008
Boring old values and the New Media - 10/13/2008
Is
fact-checking candidates a new trap? - 09/29/2008
Will
the media show real spine? - 9/15/2008
Slow
movement toward online privacy reform - 9/1/2008
The
right lessons from the John Edwards affair - 8/18/2008
The
political price of being a media celebrity - 8/4/2008
A
bitter victory in the struggle for justice - 7/21/2008
Does
shaky start for nonprofit newsroom portend bigger woes? - 7/8/2008
When
the facts get in the way of a good tale - 6/23/2008
Scott
McClellan and the rules of punditry - 6/10/2008
Media regulators miss the point 5/26/2008
How to pay for the news - 5/12/2008
First thing we do, kill all the consultants -
4/28/2008
News business gazes longingly at a field of holes - 4/18/2008
Why news ombudsmen matter (maybe even in Manhattan) - 3/31/2008
Why news
media must embrace online rules? - 3/17/2008
No more sex,
please - 03/03/2008
Can journalism survive after the ads are gone?
- 02/18/2008
The media’s Bill Clinton problem - 02/04/2008
Kicking diversity out of campaign coverage -
01/21/2008
Popularity
Pay and the Age of Calibrated Journalism - 01/07/2008
2007
Columns
2006
Columns
2005 Columns
2004 Columns
2003 Columns
|
Can journalism
survive after the ads are gone?
By Edward Wasserman
Week of Feb.
18, 2008
Beneath the somber tales of shrinking revenues and staff cuts is an even
more somber reality about the news business: The nearly two-century-old
marriage between consumer advertising and journalism is on the rocks.
In the United States the union dates from the advent of the penny press
in the 1830s, when newspaper owners realized that by slashing what they
charged readers they could send their circulations soaring and get rich
off advertising sales. News found a durable source of funding, and
manufacturers hitched a ride into the homes of the burgeoning masses of
American consumers.
That era is now ending, not because the public no longer needs news or
because people mistrust news any more than they always have but
because new technologies are churning out better ways to reach customers
who are shopping for cars, jobs or homes.
The result is a calamity for the news business. Newspapers get the
greatest attention, but all news media are being shaken hard, and the
luxuriant growth of online news initiatives shouldn’t be mistaken for a
rebirth: Most of those sites are still burning through their start-up
money and haven’t figured out how to sustain themselves except by
praying to advertisers who, it seems plain, will never be back with
anything like the money they once lavished on news.
And now? One benefit of the current crisis is that alternatives to ad
support are being floated, something that hasn’t happened here since the
campaign for public radio was defeated by the forces of
commercialization in the 1930s.
Foundation funding is a hot topic, especially after a rich California
couple pledged $10 million a year last fall for an investigative
journalism project, Pro Publica, to be staffed by a corps of top
reporters and editors.
A recent American Journalism Review article surveyed journalism support
from philanthropies, rich people with causes, and foundations, some tied
to particular industries from health care to farming to educational
reform.
In some respects such patronage is hugely appealing, though as AJR
suggests the dangers to editorial independence can be no less serious
than with advertising support: Indeed, advertisers could be sublimely
indifferent to editorial content as long as it was drawing a crowd they
could sell to (and wasn’t about them.) But foundations and public-minded
plutocrats are less bashful about their preferences and convictions, and
some philanthropies may even be obligated to ensure their money advances
certain policy goals.
Public financing too, long banished from polite conversation, is getting
a new airing. An article last fall in the Columbia Journalism Review
dusted off the topic and noted that in other countries, stand-alone
systems of automatic funding have kept dying newspapers alive and made
the press even feistier more, not less, inclined to watchdog
governments.
The knee-jerk notion that the First Amendment forbids public support
rests on a misreading of our own history of media subsidies, from
creation of the postal system to invention of the Internet. Mechanisms
could be devised to make funding automatic — fees tacked onto Internet
hookup charges, for instance, like the license fees on TV sets that
British viewers pay to support their BBC — and insulate news producers
from political meddling.
But even if editorial non-interference was ensured, any public support
scheme would still crash into a giant problem: Who gets the money? It’s
the Internet age. A great many entities and individuals have leapt into
fact-gathering and topical commentary in a magnificent, worldwide surge
of communicative enfranchisement. Shouldn’t they get compensated too?
Maybe the solution isn’t to escape the market, but to empower it. Modern
computing offers unparalleled capacities to track and calculate. Imagine
a vast menu of news and commentary offered to you ad-free for pennies
per item, the charges micro-billed, added up and presented like a
utility bill at month’s end. The money that journalism providers got
would depend on their audience.
Plus, if you uploaded comment or video in response, to the degree it was
downloaded by others you’d get credited for it – compensated like any
other provider.
Illogical and impractical? Maybe. Or maybe it would free journalism from
an advertising dependency that’s in its death throes anyway, move us
beyond the obsolescent distinction between producer and consumer and
create new opportunities for independence and enterprise.
|