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Will the
media show real spine? - 9/15/2008
Slow
movement toward online privacy reform - 9/1/2008
The
right lessons from the John Edwards affair - 8/18/2008
The
political price of being a media celebrity - 8/4/2008
A
bitter victory in the struggle for justice - 7/21/2008
Does
shaky start for nonprofit newsroom portend bigger woes? - 7/8/2008
When
the facts get in the way of a good tale - 6/23/2008
Scott
McClellan and the rules of punditry - 6/10/2008
Media regulators miss the point 5/26/2008
How to pay for the news - 5/12/2008
First thing we do, kill all the consultants -
4/28/2008
News business gazes longingly at a field of holes - 4/18/2008
Why news ombudsmen matter (maybe even in Manhattan) - 3/31/2008
Why news
media must embrace online rules? - 3/17/2008
No more sex,
please - 03/03/2008
Can journalism survive after the ads are gone?
- 02/18/2008
The media’s Bill Clinton problem - 02/04/2008
Kicking diversity out of campaign coverage -
01/21/2008
Popularity
Pay and the Age of Calibrated Journalism - 01/07/2008
2007
Columns
2006
Columns
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2003 Columns
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No more sex,
please
By Edward Wasserman
Week of March
3, 2008
The flap over the big New York Times story about Sen. John McCain’s ties
to lobbyists centers, understandably, on its most sensational
allegation: That his dealings eight years ago with an attractive young
woman, a lobbyist with blue-chip clients, were so frequent and so
cordial – at a time when his 2000 presidential campaign was revving up
-- that aides got worried and warned him that people might suspect
romance.
The Times has taken a lot of heat for reporting this. McCain and the
lobbyist both deny ever having an affair, and the article offered
nothing to suggest the aides had good reason for grinding their teeth —
no evidence of weekends in Bimini, room-service breakfasts for two,
amorous glances or even warm handshakes.
So the grounds for even raising the possibility of a romance were mushy.
But my concern is not with whether McCain had an affair, it’s to what
degree that matters – and whether the press is right to regard the
private, discreet, consensual sex of public officials as newsworthy.
Let’s be clear that if this were simply an allegation that as chair of
one of the Senate’s most powerful committees McCain showed favoritism
toward the clients of a personal friend, it would not have stirred up
such a fuss. What gives this tale its propellant isn’t the suggestion of
official misconduct, but of private sex. And I’m questioning whether —
even if true — that’s legitimate grist for the media mill.
Sure, everybody – even presidential candidates – ought to conform to
basic norms of moral behavior. They should keep their promises, and that
includes their marital vows. They should lavish their children with
kindness, and respect their parents; they should act in ways that are
trustworthy and honorable in all matters, small as well as large.
But when they don’t, when is it our business? If somebody who holds a
position of public trust behaves like a swine in his or her personal
life, do the rest of us have a right to know about it — and by
extension, do we have a right to demand that the press, as our
surrogates, ferret out that news and bring it to us?
For many years the press was silent about the closeted improprieties of
the powerful, and the roster of presidential mistresses was closely
held, if you’ll forgive the expression. No longer. Nowadays, journalists
subscribe to the notion of “character.”
“Character” imagines some seamless continuity between inner self and
outer behavior, between the most private and the most public. It implies
that sordid details about a public official’s private life that would
otherwise be none of our business become our business because they
reveal habits of mind and predispositions that will help shape public
performance.
There is some truth to that, but how much isn’t clear. After all,
statesmen of vision and compassion may be horrors back home —
tyrannical, sullen, abusive. Consider Lincoln’s melancholia, Churchill’s
drinking, Roosevelt’s mistress, Kennedy’s women. Leaders who inspire
their countries may be grossly negligent to their own families (take
Reagan and his children.)
If the link between public and private were so self-evident, biographers
would have to find another line of work.
So should the press therefore ignore hypocrisy? Obviously it’s almost
irresistible to want to expose public figures who are crude, deceitful
or exploitive in their personal relations while treating the rest of us
to sanctimonious blather about values.
But don’t even jerks have privacy rights? Do you really want reporters
assigned to a private relations beat, or interviewing dozens of people
about whether some legislator made a pass at them or had gay trysts?
Besides, the hypocrisy we really need to know about doesn’t require such
intrusions; it’s about the inconsistencies between public word and
public deed: The politician who extols family values and slashes
day-care funding, who professes concern for soldiers and blocks an
inquiry into shabby medical care for veterans, who cuts backroom deals
that sell out policy pronouncements.
Or a war hero who’s running for president as a maverick, who claims to
resist the blandishments of lobbyists, but who accepts perks from rich
guys and intervenes with regulators to appease his benefactors.
Nobody needs evidence – let alone mere suspicions — of some after-hours
roll in the hay to understand whether such conduct is problematic. Let
journalism get back to its proper focus, public immorality, and give sex
a rest.
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