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2007 Columns
Can the
Internet be saved? - `12/25/2006
Al-Jazeera’s invisible U.S. launcH - 12/11/2006
Holding
the line on news pollution - 11/27/2006
All the
news, fit to print or not - 11/13/2006
Meet the
new boss… - 10/30/2006
Lessons
from the Mark Foley affair - 10/16/2006
Holding
news until the time is right - 10/2/2006
Censoring
the Internet - 9/18/2006
The
media since 9/11: Living after the fall - 9/11/2006
AOL and
the continuing adventures of the ‘free’ Internet - 8/21/2006
Making newsrooms prematurely young - 06/26/2006
Another mighty blow for a free press - 04/03/2006
Tightening the veil of secrecy
- 03/06/2006
Of
cartoons and taboos - 02/20/2006
Media
monopoly for the new millennium - 02/06/06
Collect
valuable points by manipulating friends and family! - 01/23/06
The lobbyist and the media - 01/09/06
2005 Columns
2004 Columns
2003 Columns
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Of cartoons
and taboos
By Edward Wasserman
Week of Feb.
20, 2006
In May 1985 an Austrian movie described as a “satirical tragedy set in
Heaven” was confiscated in Innsbruck, its exhibitor charged with
“disparaging religious doctrines.” A nine-year legal battle ensued.
The film, “Council in Heaven,” featured scenes from the 1895 blasphemy
trial of an Italian playwright, Oskar Panizza. He was imprisoned for
writing a Renaissance-era play in which God consults Satan before
unleashing syphilis on mankind. In the movie, re-enactments of Panizza’s
prosecution bracket a performance of his play. There, a court recounted,
“God the Father is presented both in image and in text as a senile,
impotent idiot, Christ as a cretin and Mary Mother of God as a wanton
lady with a corresponding manner of expression...”
Austrian courts banned the film. The case was appealed to the European
Court of Human Rights which, in 1994 decided that while religion wasn’t
above criticism, “in extreme cases the effect of particular methods of
opposing or denying religious beliefs can be such as to inhibit those
who hold such beliefs from exercising their freedom to hold and express
them.”
And so, because it constituted “a malicious violation of the spirit of
tolerance, which must also be a feature of democratic society,” a movie
about the century-old suppression of an anti-clerical fabulist was
itself suppressed - by Europe’s highest rights tribunal.
I learned about that case while looking into the storm of anger provoked
by caricatures of Muhammad, the founder of Islam, that ran in a Danish
newspaper and which touched off widespread rioting, with Islamist mobs
goaded into fury by those who hope to gain by deepening their sense of
victimization.
But it’s not the misconceptions of Muslims that concern me here. It’s
our own misconceptions, the ones peddled by U.S. and European
commentators about just how endlessly indulgent of robust expression our
advanced culture truly is.
Time and again, this affair is cast as a faceoff between a dogmatic,
tyrannical intolerance that’s medieval in its bigotry and
narrowmindedness, and the West’s post-Enlightenment freedom of thought
warmly receptive to criticism, humble in its certitudes, respectful of
independence of mind, endlessly questioning.
There’s some truth to this - but less than we might like. And
reiterating this self-serving belief in that polarity will, I fear, make
devising honest rules of engagement between cultures intractably hard.
Islamists have no monopoly on theological idiocies. The Japanese worship
their emperor, still. Argentina’s constitution bars non-Catholics from
the presidency. West Bank resettlement has been led by Jews convinced
the land was promised them by God. Our own leaders include believers who
know that, any day now, they’ll physically ascend to Heaven leaving
their clothes behind.
Castigating Muslims for protesting when their taboos are violated
doesn’t mean we have no taboos of our own. When it comes to irrational
devotions, fierce loyalties, a capacity for deep and unthinking anger, a
knee-jerk tendency to presume innate superiority before God, they are
not alone. Their faith forbids icons and punishes those who make them.
We venerate icons and punish those who disrespect them. (Try infringing
a trademark or burning a flag.) They honor innocent victims of the
intifada; we honor innocent victims of 9/11.
My point isn’t moral equivalence. It’s that engagement between cultures
cannot proceed from the easy assumption that we’re obviously right. If
the enemy is dogma, let’s acknowledge our own. If we believe irreverent
expression is indispensable to the rough and tumble of cultural life,
maybe we shouldn’t ban films that make us wince.
What should the rules be? For starters, let’s be truthful, factual. Be
careful about holding groups up to ridicule and belittling their
beliefs, customs, faces, accents. Let them speak for themselves.
Acknowledge fallibility. And be willing to listen and to explain, as
Danish officials apparently weren’t.
The big flap now among U.S. media is whether to republish the offending
cartoons, which is a bit like turning up the music after your neighbor
complains about the noise. Aren’t they newsworthy? Maybe. But suppose
some malcontent editor decided Coretta Scott King had been unduly
lionized and marked her funeral with cartoons deriding her. Would you
republish them in covering the outraged aftermath?
Now the Islamists bring up the Holocaust. Iran is offering cash for
cartoons lampooning the Nazis’ murder of millions, which they’ll dare
European newspapers to publish to prove their commitment to free
expression. (Evidently, the Iranians believe the Holocaust is taboo in
Europe, where anti-Semitism has been a fixture for a millennium.)
But the Holocaust, like the genocides in Bosnia and Rwanda it
prefigured, is relevant. All were fueled by crude, insulting imagery, by
lies and vilification. Iran’s offer unwittingly reminds us what can
happen when that is the language people use to talk to each other.
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