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2007 Columns
Can the
Internet be saved? - `12/25/2006
Al-Jazeera’s invisible U.S. launcH - 12/11/2006
Holding
the line on news pollution - 11/27/2006
All the
news, fit to print or not - 11/13/2006
Meet the
new boss… - 10/30/2006
Lessons
from the Mark Foley affair - 10/16/2006
Holding
news until the time is right - 10/2/2006
Censoring
the Internet - 9/18/2006
The
media since 9/11: Living after the fall - 9/11/2006
AOL and
the continuing adventures of the ‘free’ Internet - 8/21/2006
Making newsrooms prematurely young - 06/26/2006
Another mighty blow for a free press - 04/03/2006
Tightening the veil of secrecy
- 03/06/2006
Of
cartoons and taboos - 02/20/2006
Media
monopoly for the new millennium - 02/06/06
Collect
valuable points by manipulating friends and family! - 01/23/06
The lobbyist and the media - 01/09/06
2005 Columns
2004 Columns
2003 Columns
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Cutting deals
isn’t just for gossip mongers
By Edward Wasserman
Week of April
17, 2006
Fans of media devilry were treated last week to jaw-dropping allegations
of big time corruption by a veteran contributor to one of the world’s
most yapped-about gossip columns, Page Six of the New York Post.
If you never lived in New York you may not understand the cultural
significance of Page Six. It’s vicious, it’s irresistible, it’s mean. It
flutters amid the rich, the flagrant, the oily and the accomplished,
shaming some without mercy and flattering others without shame.
Connoisseurs of the dark arts regard it as the best of the breed. It’s
credited with helping Rupert Murdoch’s perennially money-losing tabloid
nearly close the circulation gap with the Daily News in one of America’s
last serious newspaper wars. One estimate claims the Post would lose 40
percent of its readers if not for Page Six. In Manhattan it’s a
must-read, and with New York the nation’s media epicenter Page Six
ricochets way beyond the five boroughs.
So it’s not unthinkable that a Los Angeles-based billionaire might be so
flummoxed by the rough handling he’d gotten from the column that he’d
consider paying some $200,000 to a staffer who offered to turn nasty
into nice.
That’s what the California supermarket magnate, Ronald Burkle, professed
to be weighing in late March when the deal was allegedly put to him by
Jared Paul Stern, Page Six contributor, while law enforcement people
summoned by Burkle were taping the chat in his rented loft in Tribeca.
According to accounts in the New York press, which is feasting on the
story without
pausing to wipe its chin, Stern suggested that Burkle could “finesse”
further indignities by paying $100,000 upfront, followed by monthly
stipends of $10,000 to ensure immunity from vilification.
Burkle, Page Six had reported, was “a party-boy billionaire” who was
buying a modeling management agency for ex-President Bill Clinton to
run, leasing a yacht for Michael Jackson, dating a supermodel and doing
other vaguely unsavory things. All untrue. Burkle complained directly to
Rupert himself, in the kind of super-rich to super-rich demarche the
rest of us can only imagine. Amazingly, he got the same brush-off the
rest of us can imagine only too well.
Was Burkle the victim of extortion? That, to my non-lawyer eye, seems
like a stretch. Worse, it keeps us from drawing the right lessons from
this squalid affair.
Extortion requires threats of injury, and Stern doesn’t seem to have
ever threatened Burkle with deliberate harm. He simply invited Burkle to
become a “friend” of the Page, hence to get immunity from routine
coverage. That’s not extortion, it’s soliciting a bribe.
Suppose Stern killed items about Burkle that were totally true and,
under the rules of good gossip, wholly newsworthy. Burkle would have
been paying for protection not from defamation, but from being covered
in ways he disliked. The deal’s real harm would be plain: less an injury
to Burkle than a betrayal of the Post’s readers.
We’re talking bribery, and what’s unusual here isn’t the bribe, it’s
that the terms were explicit and the currency was cash. Hence, Stern is
less a freak than a caricature.
Stern’s alleged dealings replicate, in distorted form, the routines of
reporter-source relations. He pitched Burkle on levels of “protection,”
starting with the gentle handling Burkle could expect for feeding Page
Six juicy gossip about his high-profile pals. At the next level,
becoming a “friend” of the Page might involve contracts and “perks” to
staffers, and at the premier level with six-figure payments his
problems would disappear.
Ethical reporters don’t shake down subjects of stories. (Indeed, Stern
claims he was set up.) But they do handle valued sources with care.
Source transactions are deals even without cash payments because
things of value are exchanged: some facts are released, others withheld;
access to high-level newsmakers is assured, secrets are kept.
Stern apparently told Burkle he’d be treated discreetly if he fed his
friends to Page Six. Dozens of reporters provided discretion and silence
in 2002 and 2003 to preserve their access to Washington officialdom
while war was being planned. They weren’t paid off. But they were
rewarded. They kept their coveted jobs.
As Burkle himself wrote in a Wall Street Journal column: “This source
game is not only played on Page Six. It is also played for high stakes
on Wall Street and in Washington. We've all read how well-known and
respected journalists have readily protected top-ranked officials
leaking classified information.”
Ultimately it’s the public that suffers. The notion that a bottom feeder
like Jared Paul Stern belongs on a poster in newsrooms isn’t so
farfetched. His sins, if true, were brazen. But they weren’t unique.
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