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2007 Columns
Can the
Internet be saved? - `12/25/2006
Al-Jazeera’s invisible U.S. launcH - 12/11/2006
Holding
the line on news pollution - 11/27/2006
All the
news, fit to print or not - 11/13/2006
Meet the
new boss… - 10/30/2006
Lessons
from the Mark Foley affair - 10/16/2006
Holding
news until the time is right - 10/2/2006
Censoring
the Internet - 9/18/2006
The
media since 9/11: Living after the fall - 9/11/2006
AOL and
the continuing adventures of the ‘free’ Internet - 8/21/2006
Making newsrooms prematurely young - 06/26/2006
Another mighty blow for a free press - 04/03/2006
Tightening the veil of secrecy
- 03/06/2006
Of
cartoons and taboos - 02/20/2006
Media
monopoly for the new millennium - 02/06/06
Collect
valuable points by manipulating friends and family! - 01/23/06
The lobbyist and the media - 01/09/06
2005 Columns
2004 Columns
2003 Columns
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In defense of telling secrets
By Edward
Wasserman
Week of May
28, 2006
Recently I got a call from a friend, Paul Moore, the ombudsman for the
Baltimore Sun, who wanted to talk about the Balco affair. Two
investigative reporters from the San Francisco Chronicle were resisting
demands that they reveal who leaked testimony to them from a federal
grand jury looking into steroids use by pro athletes. Balco is the
acronym for Bay Area Laboratory Co-Operative, a nutritional supplement
company that distributed performance-enhancing drugs.
Based on the leaks, the reporters wrote sensational stories in 2004
about the use of such drugs by star ball-players, which triggered
congressional hearings and a long delayed overhaul of drug policies in
Major League Baseball.
Now the reporters are being subpoenaed to tell who leaked the grand jury
testimony, which, by statute, is supposed to be secret. If they refuse,
as they say they will, they could be jailed.
It’s important to note that the subpoenas come in the context of
unprecedented pressure on journalists to give up sources in both
criminal cases and civil lawsuits. They also arise in the context of an
unusually secretive administration in Washington, which has declared
off-limits mammoth categories of information ranging from the
strategically sensitive to the politically awkward.
So the context offers good reason to bridle at secrecy claims. Still, my
initial reaction wasn’t sympathetic to the reporters. My first point to
Paul was that the prosecutors’ insistence on grand jury secrecy isn’t
just another instance of politically-motivated press-bashing; it rests
on a long established courthouse principle. My second point was to
wonder about the witnesses who believed they were testifying in
confidence. Do they have any rights? Were they wronged when their
supposedly secret testimony was made public?
So, it seemed to me, before we get on our hind legs in defense of the
Chronicle reporters, we should confront these objections: that grand
jury secrecy is worthy of respect — whatever the specific information it
conceals — and that the people who testify before grand juries deserve
to have their identities withheld, since that was the agreement under
which they gave evidence.
The Chronicle’s executive editor, Phil Bronstein, has argued that the
law mandating grand jury secrecy applies only to people who leak
testimony, not to the reporters who publish those leaks. That may be
true as a legal matter, but as an ethical one it seems squirrelly and
beside the point. If the testimony truly ought to be secret as a matter
of public policy, whoever aids the process of improper disclosure is
doing something wrong.
But should it be secret in the first place? That’s the key point I
should have addressed and didn’t. Isn’t this entire tradition of grand
jury secrecy a questionable exception to this country’s tradition of
public justice? Behind closed doors, grand juries are notoriously
subject to manipulation by prosecutors. Thanks to their secrecy they
hear damaging testimony without any of the usual adversarial checks that
ensure some measure of veracity in open court. Targeted people aren’t
represented by counsel, incriminating evidence may never be challenged
and frequently fails the test of real trial in open court.
Grand juries are, in short, hugely powerful, carefully veiled law
enforcement machines on which tradition confers an unconscionable
exemption from the routines of accountability. It’s true that the Balco
leaks aggravated this tendency, by making public uncontroverted
testimony. But that argues for a more fully adversarial process, not a
sealed Star Chamber.
So do the people who testify before grand juries deserve concealment? I
must say I’m baffled by the argument that when people testify in a jury
trial they’re identified, but if their testimony is instrumental in
bringing about that trial they can speak in secrecy. In a public system
of justice, their testimony should be public unless they are
extraordinarily vulnerable to personal harm.
The Chronicle’s Balco reporting was justified by the record of
connivance and hypocrisy with which organized sport has enabled its most
revered stars to evade sensible restrictions on drug use. When top
athletes are copping to behavior that they have publicly repudiated they
are, in my view, abusing a dubious tradition of grand jury secrecy by
presuming that their confessionals should benefit from its protections.
Secrecy has its place, but only practiced sparingly and judiciously, not
through policies of banket concealment. Embargoing publicly important
information is always a dangerous practice, and the reporters who defy
such bans deserve our thanks, not our sanctions. |