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2007 Columns
Can the
Internet be saved? - `12/25/2006
Al-Jazeera’s invisible U.S. launcH - 12/11/2006
Holding
the line on news pollution - 11/27/2006
All the
news, fit to print or not - 11/13/2006
Meet the
new boss… - 10/30/2006
Lessons
from the Mark Foley affair - 10/16/2006
Holding
news until the time is right - 10/2/2006
Censoring
the Internet - 9/18/2006
The
media since 9/11: Living after the fall - 9/11/2006
AOL and
the continuing adventures of the ‘free’ Internet - 8/21/2006
Making newsrooms prematurely young - 06/26/2006
Another mighty blow for a free press - 04/03/2006
Tightening the veil of secrecy
- 03/06/2006
Of
cartoons and taboos - 02/20/2006
Media
monopoly for the new millennium - 02/06/06
Collect
valuable points by manipulating friends and family! - 01/23/06
The lobbyist and the media - 01/09/06
2005 Columns
2004 Columns
2003 Columns
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Can the Internet be saved?
By Edward Wasserman
Week of December 25, 2006“It is inconceivable that we should
allow so great a possibility for service, for news,
for entertainment, for education, and for vital commercial purposes, to
be drowned in advertising chatter…”
It was 1922, the subject was the infant medium of radio, the speaker was
Herbert Hoover. He was U.S. secretary of commerce, and six years later
was elected president. Hoover was old school Republican, so deferential
to business that he’s remembered now for refusing to step on the private
sector’s toes with aggressive public programs that might have halted the
slide into the Great Depression.
Yet even Hoover understood that a pristine new technology could be
ruined by business-as-usual. His bold talk about keeping ads off the
airwaves – later, as president, he recanted -- is a reminder of the kind
of hope new communications technologies inspire. The pioneers often
sound more like prophets than profiteers. That changes.
So to the Internet. With its legions of independent content-makers,
bloggers and freewheeling citizen-journalists, and its unrelenting pace
of innovation, the Internet brims with just such millennialist promise.
It also, unfortunately, offers unparalleled openings for the kinds of
commercial pillage, subversion and influence-peddling that in any other
medium we’d recognize as corrupt.
A disquieting op-ed column in the New York Times recently offered a
roster of political bloggers who during the last elections were
accepting money from one candidate or another. Some told their readers,
others didn’t. Some made disclosures in some venues but not elsewhere.
For their part, candidates with an eye to ‘08 among them Hillary
Clinton and Barack Obama are reported to be lining up influential
bloggers to do double-duty as campaign consultants. The politicos are
keen to reach the blog-going public, and for all the brave posturings
about the Internet’s culture of transparency it’s plain that online
hirelings are much more persuasive when their wisdom isn’t clearly,
consistently and prominently labeled as paid content.
In this respect politicians are following the lead of the business
sector, which is test-driving a variety of oily, online marketing
contrivances. Sony launched a Web site that was supposed to look like a
spontaneous, grassroots effort by fans of its new PSP play station. The
site was exposed, Sony shut it down. Wal Mart’s publicists bankrolled a
site called Wal-Marting Across America, which posed as a journalistic
travelogue compiled by a pair of intrepid souls – one of them an actual
Washington Post photographer – who made their way cross-country to
chronicle the lives and dreams of clean-living Wal-Mart folk.
Both cases were notable successes of Internet self-regulation; deceit
was shamed off line. Nobody can say, though, how much tainted content
goes undetected and, for that matter, whether it violates anything
beyond basic trust. The Federal Trade Commission this month ruled on a
complaint by Commercial Alert, the advocacy group, that so-called buzz
marketing in which shills pose as ordinary consumers to talk up
products to the unsuspecting is improperly deceptive.
But the FTC’s ruling was a flabby one, and it has no clear application
to Internet shams. The average person has no way to know whether those
passionate pseudonyms who upload videos to YouTube or commentary to Web
sites are civilians expressing themselves or paid agents.
If regulation from outside is no help, maybe the solution is tougher
regulation from inside. A group called the Media Bloggers Association,
led by veteran blogger Robert Cox, is pushing for greater
professionalization among blogmasters though training about legal and
ethical obligations, which Cox is hopeful of offering through the
Poynter Institute, a highly regarded mid-career journalists academy in
St. Petersburg, Fla.
In time, Cox suggests, the result could be bloggers whose professional
credentials warrant the same accreditation that mainstream journalists
now qualify for.
They might also be less likely to succumb to the pleasing fiction that
they can work at the same time as political operatives, Web
entrepreneurs and independent commentators without compromising
something of value.
What’s at stake here is huge. The Internet is a new world of media,
fertile and endlessly receptive to communication needs of all kinds. It
could very well become so overwhelmed by commercial and political
stratagems, so cluttered and so untrustworthy that it winds up utterly
useless for honest communication.
That possibility is not, as Herbert Hoover put it, “inconceivable:” It
has already happened with local radio, and it has happened with the
postal service, which has become primarily a conduit for junk mail.
The Internet can still be saved. But it won’t save itself. |